Important Documents
of American History
& the Civil War

Gettysburg Address
Emanciation Proclamation
Lincoln's Letter to Mrs. Bixby
Lincoln's Second Inaugral Address
Col. Hunt's Artillery Orders
Memorial Day Order
Declaration of Independence
Bill of Rights
Grant's Terms
Lee's Order #9
Pledge of Allegience
Quotations about Artillery
What Place Is Besieged ?

Address at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
November 19, 1863
By Abraham Lincoln

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
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The Emancipation Proclamation
January 1, 1863

By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation.

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States."

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth); and which excepted parts, are for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.
By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
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Executive Mansion

Washington, November 21, 1864

To Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Mass.

Dear Madam,

I have been shown in the files of the War Department a statement of the Adjutant General of Massachusetts, that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle.

I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save.

I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.

Yours very sincerely and respectfully,

A. Lincoln
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Second Inaugural Address of President Abraham Lincoln

March 4, 1865

Fellow countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war, seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.

Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered, that of neither has been answered fully.

The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations.

Colonel Henry J. Hunt's Artillery Orders
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac
Frederick, Md
September 12, 1862

ORDER:
The following instructions will, so far as circumstances admit, be observed in the Artillery of this Army, and the Commanders under whom it serves:

I. The responsibility of choosing the position for action devolves upon the Commander of the Artillery. If assigned to his position by the General Officer under whose orders he is placed, he will, to relieve himself from the responsibility, report to the latter its objectionable features, provided a better one can be found, and suggest the means necessary to improve or secure it.

II. In taking up a position, four points require especial attention:

1. The efficacy of fire of the battery.
2. Cover for the pieces from the enemy’s fire.
3. The position of the rest of the troops.
4. The facility of movement.

1. That fire should be effective, is in all cases the most important consideration, to which—as far as may be necessary—the second consideration must be sacrificed. For this purpose a clear view of the enemy is necessary, and judgment must be used in the selection of the different projectiles, according to the nature of the ground and the object to be attained.

The concentration of fire rather than its distribution, is of importance; hence the guns should be as much as possible so placed, that their fire may converge on important points, and should not be too much scattered over the field.

In a hilly or undulating country, a moderate elevation which gives a good view of the ground is the best position for Artillery. Too much elevation should be avoided, since the fire is more effective in proportion as the projectiles pass more closely to the ground. Ground covered by bushes, trees, or other obstructions, is not favorable to the use of artillery.

It is advantageous, under all circumstances, to fire at lines obliquely, and at columns, in the direction of their greatest depth.

Against walls the most effective projectile is solid shot, Shot and shell should be used against log stockades, barricades, etc., and for sweeping a wood, to which latter purpose, shrapnel and canister are not well adapted—and also against deep columns of cavalry taken in the prolongation of the column. There has been too much neglect of solid shot fire from the smooth bore guns.

Canister is to be employed at close quarters. It is effective both from the wide spread of its balls, and from the rapidity with which it may be fired; accurate aiming not being necessary. Canister may be fired with great advantage into the edge or skirts of a wood which is about to be charged by our infantry, and against the flank of an enemy’s battery at close quarters, under which circumstances the canister shot are very destructive to both men and horses. The prevailing tendency to the use of canister is too great.

Shrapnel may be considered as a long-range canister, the iron case or shell, carrying the bullets safely over the ground before distributing them. It should be chiefly used against troops which are stationary or not moving rapidly; or directed against fixed points over which an enemy is passing.

Distances must be accurately judged, the projectile carefully prepared, the fire slow and deliberate, and its effect well noted, with a view to the correction of errors. Shrapnel is too often wasted. Artillery officers should recollect that, although it is the most effective and powerful of projectiles if well used, it is also the most harmless and contemptible if used badly; that the elements of uncertainty in its effect are numerous, and, therefore, in its use, nothing should be left to chance which can be made certain by care and attention. Shrapnel should never be fired rapidly, except against large and dense masses.

An intelligent officer or non-commissioned officer should be detailed to watch the effect of each shot, and to report what correction appears necessary. When time presses, and observation of the shrapnel fire is difficult, canister is preferable if the range is such as to admit of its use. Shrapnel fire is very effective against lines of troops, columns, or batteries, which are stationary upon, open ground. It is not to be used against troops which are covered from view by the conformation of the ground, or by obstacles of any kind, — except only, when it is known that the enemy is stationed within a certain distance in the rear of a given obstacle, as in the case of field-works, against the defenders of which shrapnel is effective.

Batteries should be as much as possible, protected from sudden attack, either by their position, or by troops posted near them. A position within the rifle range of a wood or other cover, which is not held by our own troops is a bad one, and should not be taken if possible to avoid it, since the enemy can occupy the cover, if only with sharp-shooters, and pick off our men and horses. Woods and other places of cover within the range of small arms, must therefore be occupied by our own troops.

Even on perfectly open ground, the flanks of a battery must be protected from assaults. Its front can take care of itself, and hence it follows that the supports of batteries should never be placed behind them, nor amongst the carriages, but always on the flanks, either on the prolongation of the line of the battery, or, if ever can thus be secured, in advance or rear of that prolongation, but always within easy supporting distances, and no closer, so that the fire directed on the battery may not injure its supporting troops. Although Artillery, as a rule, must protect itself against attacks from the front, yet if such attacks are made by a heavy force, either in successive lines or in column, and with determination and persistence, the supporting troops should, if practicable, wheel forward their outward flanks, so that their cross-fire may sweep the ground in front of the battery; and may then charge vigorously with they bayonet, the Commander of the supports having previously arranged with the Commander of the Battery for a suspension of the Artillery fire. The enemy having been driven off, the supports will at once fall back towards the flanks so as to unmask the fire of the battery.

2. Artillery should, whenever practicable without undue detriment to its offensive powers, seek positions in which it may be protected from the enemy’s fire, or concealed from his observation. The best natural cover is that afforded by the crest of hills, which slope gently towards the enemy; the guns should be placed behind them with their muzzles looking over the top. The limbers and caissons will thus be entirely concealed. Cover, which makes splinters when struck by shot, such as masonry, wood stacks, etc., is objectionable.

Artificial cover may be obtained by sinking the piece. This is done by making an excavation for it to stand in. The excavation should be 1½ feet deep in front, and should slope gently upwards towards the rear. This earth is to be thrown up in front to the height of about 1½ feet. Ditches are dug at the sides for the men. This system of sinking the piece is used with advantage behind the edge of a hill, as it permits the piece to be brought closer to the crest, and enables it the better to sweep the ground.

Next to the protection of the guns, that of the caissons and limbers is of importance. Where the batteries are frequently moving, the limbers cannot be put under cover, but must remain close in rear of the pieces. Caissons must not, in any case, be so far separated from their guns, that they are beyond the prompt control of the Commander of the Battery.

3. The third consideration in posting Artillery is that of the position of the rest of the troops.

In general, the advance and positions of the Infantry and Calvary determine the position for action of the Artillery, which usually places itself on the flanks of the other troops, or between their intervals, where it is secure itself, and can fire for the longest period of time.

A position in advance of other troops is very objectionable, especially in advance of Cavalry; cases occur, however, in which it cannot be avoided, those cases being, in general, when the action of the artillery is of primary importance, and there is not suitable position for it elsewhere.

It may be laid down as a rule that Artillery should not fire over our own troops. For this there are three good reasons. Accidents are liable to happen to the troops from the projectiles. It embarrasses their advance by battering the ground in front of them, and obliging them to hold back until the fire can be stopped or its range extended. It makes the men over whom the projectiles are passing uneasy, and may demoralize them. When it becomes necessary to fire over troops, solid shot, and in rare cases, shell should be used, and not canister, nor shrapnel; the latter projectile being liable to burst too soon, and to carry destruction among those over whose heads it was intended to pass. 4. It is of importance that every position assumed by Artillery should afford facilities for free movement in every direction, in order that such new positions may be taken up as circumstances may require. When this is not the case, care must at least be taken that the safety of the guns is not compromised. When the position is to be held to the last extremity, strong supports should be furnished and the guns fought to the last, so that if lost it shall be with honor. If the position is not to be so held, and the nature of the ground will permit, prolonges must be fixed, that the Battery may be fought retiring with the other troops.

When it is likely that a position will be carried, and its defense will not justify the loss of guns; they must, if the nature of the ground will not admit of the use of the prolonge, be limbered up and retired in due season, under the protection of their supports. A Battery may often be retired by sections and half Batteries, under the protection of its own fire alone.

Whenever a Battery takes post, the means of moving it to the front, the flanks or the rear must be studied by its commander, and, if necessary, walls and fences torn down, and ditches filled up, so that no unexpected obstacles may hinder its freedom of movement in any direction. It is a disgrace to an Artillery officer if a gun, or even an opportunity of rendering service, should be lost, through a neglect or want of forethought on his part. Guns may be honorably lost, if their sacrifice is necessary to the safety of other troops, —provided the enemy is made to pay dear for them—and not otherwise.

III. Objects of fire. It is too much the tendency of Artillery to fire at Artillery. In the beginning of a battle, the Artillery should direct its fire wherever the enemy seems most exposed to danger.

When the battle is further advanced, if our own troops are about to repel an attack, that portion of the enemy’s force is to be fired on whose attack is the most dangerous for the time being.

If we are acting on the offensive and the guns must fire on that portion of the enemy whose resistance is most formidable. When acting on the defensive the enemy’s infantry and cavalry are the most proper objects of fire.

Artillery fire is to be concentrated on single points rather than divided between numerous objects, notwithstanding that such a division or distribution of the fire may cause a greater or absolute loss to the enemy. It is not the number of killed and wounded that decides a battle, but the panic and demoralization of those who remain; and this panic and demoralization are much sooner created and spread by concentrating the Artillery fire on successive points, than my distributing it over a wide space. The general rule is, that Artillery should concentrate its fire upon that part of the enemy’s force which, from its position, or from its character, it is the most desirable to overthrow. Against an enemy’s Battery the fire should be concentrated on a single piece until that is disabled, and should then be turned upon another, and an analogous plan should generally be followed in firing upon Infantry and Cavalry.

When firing upon a hostile column, the guns are to be directed at its centre. If the column is in the act of deploying, the flank toward which the deployment is being made is to be fired on with canister or shrapnel.

As a general rule, Artillery should not fire upon skirmishers or small groups of men. IV. The fire of Artillery is not to be commenced until the enemy is within effective range; that is, so near that at least one quarter of the shots are hits. Firing at too great a distance wastes ammunition which will be wanted at the critical moments of the battle, and emboldens the enemy’s troops by giving them a contemptuous idea of the effects of our fire.

Certain remarks of Frederick the Great may here be borne in mind "It sometimes happens," he says, "that the General in command, or some other General, is himself forgetful, and orders the fire to be opened too soon, without considering what injurious consequences may result from it. In such a case the Artillery officer must certainly obey, but he should fire as slowly as possible, and point the pieces with the utmost accuracy in order that his shots may not be thrown away. Such a fire is only pardonable when the General wishes to attract the enemy’s attention to one point, so as to make movements in another." In the fire of Artillery accuracy is of far more importance than quickness. The fire should be slow while the enemy is at a distance; it is to be quicker as the distance diminishes, and is to become rapid when canister shot is being fired at effective ranges, "The proper expenditure of the ammunition is one of the most important duties of an Artilleryman. An officer who squanderers the whole of his ammunition in a short engagement proves himself incapable of appreciating the due effect and use of his arm, and incur the heaviest responsibility. There are moments in which we should not fire, or only very slowly, and others of a critical nature in which there should be no question of saving ammunition; but the latter are only of short duration and do not lead to a lavish expenditure of ammunition; while the inefficient, constant fire at long ranges always has that effect."

After an engagement, the commander of each Battery must use all diligence in putting it into a condition to march and to fight. As soon after the action as possible, a return of the losses of men and material and a report of the fight will be presented to the proper staff officer.

The return should contain a specification of the men and horses killed and disabled; of whatever has been made unserviceable or injured; of whatever has been expended, lost, or damaged; and of all defects of material and ammunition noticed, and should suggest proper remedies. The report should briefly describe the participation of the Battery in the engagement, as far as may be necessary for understanding the part taken by the Battery; the special instructions communicated; the position of the Battery, with a statement of the neighboring troops; the nature of the enemy’s troops against which the projectiles used; the effect remarked; the reasons why positions were changed; the behavior of the men; and, without regard to rank, who distinguished himself; lastly, all important circumstances observed in the neighborhood of the Battery.

If Sections or half Batteries were detached, it is to be specified by whose order and for what purpose they were so detached.

Separate reports should be prepared by the commanders of pieces so detached. There are to be annexed, in original; to the narrative of the commander of the Battery. By order of

Major General McCLELLAN

Henry J. Hunt

Colonel and Chief of Artillery
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Ordering a Memorial Day Remembrance
General Order
No. 11

Headquarters, Grand Army of the Republic
Washington, D.C., May 5, 1868
I. The 30th day of May, 1868, is designated for the purpose of strewing with flowers or otherwise decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country during the late rebellion, and whose bodies now lie in almost every city, village, and hamlet churchyard in the land. In this observance no form or ceremony is prescribed, but posts and comrades will in their own way arrange such fitting services and testimonials of respect as circumstances may permit.

We are organized, comrades, as our regulations tell us, for the purpose, among other things, "of preserving and strengthening those kind and fraternal feelings which have bound together the soldiers, sailors, and marines who united to suppress the late rebellion." What can aid more to assure this result than by cherishing tenderly the memory of our heroic dead, who made their breasts a barricade between our country and its foe? Their soldier lives were the reveille of freedom to a race in chains, and their death a tattoo of rebellious tyranny in arms. We should guard their graves with sacred vigilance. All that the consecrated wealth and taste of the Nation can add to their adornment and security is but a fitting tribute to the memory of her slain defenders. Let no wanton foot tread rudely on such hallowed grounds. Let pleasant paths invite the coming and going of reverent visitors and found mourners. Let no vandalism of avarice or neglect, no ravages of time, testify to the present or to the coming generations that we have forgotten, as a people, the cost of free and undivided republic.

If other eyes grow dull and other hands slack, and other hearts cold in the solemn trust, ours shall keep it well as long as the light and warmth of life remain in us.

Let us, then, at the time appointed, gather around their sacred remains and garland the passionless mounds above them with choicest flowers of springtime; let us raise above them the dear old flag they saved from dishonor; let us in this solemn presence renew our pledges to aid and assist those whom they have left among us as sacred charges upon the Nation's gratitude,--the soldier's and sailor's widow and orphan.

II. It is the purpose of the Commander-in-Chief to inaugurate this observance with the hope it will be kept up from year to year, while a survivor of the war remains to honor the memory of his departed comrades. He earnestly desires the public press to call attention to this Order, and lend its friendly aid in bringing it to the notice of comrades in all parts of the country in time for simultaneous compliance therewith.

III. Department commanders will use every effort to make this order effective.

By command of:

JOHN A. LOGAN,
Commander-in-Chief.
N. P. CHIPMAN,
Adjutant-General.
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Declaration of Independence
In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776,
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united STATES of AMERICA,

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain [George III] is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies, without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: For quartering large bodies of armed troops amoung us:

For protecting them by a mock Trial from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.
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Bill of Rights

The Conventions of a number of the States having, at the time of adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added, and as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government will best insure the beneficent ends of its institution; Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States; all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the said Constitution, namely:

Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.
Amendment II
A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.
Amendment III
No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
Amendment IV
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
Amendment V
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Amendment VI
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.
Amendment VII
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.
Amendment VIII
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Amendment IXThe enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
Amendment IX
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
Amendment X
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.
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General Grant's Terms of Surrender
April 9, 1865

Head Quarters of the Armies of the United States
Appomattox C.H. Va. Apl 9th 1865

Gen. R. E. Lee
Comd'g C.S.A.

General,

In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of N. Va. on the following terms to wit;

Rolls of all the officers and men be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander to sign a like parole for the men of their commands -

The arms, artillery and public property to be parked and stacked and turned over to the officer appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side arms of the officers nor their private horses or baggage. This done each officer and man will be allowed to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority as long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where they may reside--

Very Respectfully
U. S. Grant
Lt. Gen
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General Lee's Order #9
Hd Qurs Army Northern Virginia
10th April 1865

General Order
No 9

After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and fortitude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and resources.

I need not tell the brave survivors of so many hard fought battles who have remained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this result from no distrust of them, But feeling that valor and devotion could accomplish nothing that could compensate for the loss that would have attended the continuance of the contest, I determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those whose past services have endeared them to their countrymen.

By the terms of the agreement, Officers and men can return to their homes and remain until exchanged. You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the consciousness of duty faithfully performed and I earnestly pray that a merciful God will extend to you His blessing and protection.

With an unceasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to your country, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous consideration of myself, I bid you all an affectionate farewell.

R E Lee
Genl
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Pledge of Allegiance
"I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America and to the Republic for which it stands- one nation under God, indivisible- with liberty and justice for all."

On September 8,1892, the Boston based "The Youth's Companion" magazine published a few words for students to repeat on Columbus Day that year. Written by Francis Bellamy, the circulation manager and native of Rome, New York, and reprinted on thousands of leaflets, was sent out to public schools across the country. On October 12, 1892, the quadricentennial of Columbus' arrival, more than 12 million children recited the Pledge of Allegiance, thus beginning a required school-day ritual. At the first National Flag Conference in Washington D.C., on June14, 1923, a change was made. For clarity, the words "the Flag of the United States" replaced "my flag". In the following years various other changes were suggested but were never formally adopted. It was not until 1942 that Congress officially recognized the Pledge of Allegiance. One year later, in June 1943, the Supreme Court ruled that school children could not be forced to recite it. In fact, today only half of our fifty states have laws that encourage the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance in the classroom! In June of 1954 an amendment was made to add the words "UNDER GOD". Then-President Dwight D. Eisenhower said "In this way we are reaffirming the transcendence of religious faith in America's heritage and future; in this way we shall constantly strengthen those spiritual weapons which forever will be our country's most powerful resource in peace and war."
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Quotations about Artillery

"God fights on the side with the best artillery." - Napoleon, Marshal of France

"With Artillery, War is made." - Napoleon, Marshal of France

"Leave the Artillerymen alone, they are an obstinate lot..." - Napoleon, Marshal of France

"The best generals are those who have served in the artillery." - Napoleon, Emperor of France

"Nothing is more destructive than the charge of artillery on a crowd." - Napoleon, Marshal of France

"A battery of field artillery is worth a thousand muskets." - General William Tecumseh Sherman

"I do not have to tell you who won the war. You know, the artillery did." - Gen. George S. Patton

"Where a goat can go, a man can go, where a man can go, he can drag a gun" - Col. William Phillips, 1777

"The Guns, Thank God, The Guns..." - Rudyard Kipling

"The speed, accuracy and devastating power of American Artillery won confidence and admiration from the troops it supported and inspired fear and respect in their enemy." - Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower

"Do not forget your dogs of war, your big guns, which are the most-to-be respected arguments of the rights of kings." - Frederick the Great

"Artillery conquers and infantry occupies." - J.F.C. Fuller

"Guns will make us powerful, butter will only make us fat." - Hermann Goering

"In many situations that seemed desperate, the artillery has been a most vital factor." - Gen. Douglas MacArthur

"The harder the fighting and the longer the war, the more the infantry, and in fact all the arms, lean on the gunners." - Field Marshal Benard L. Montgomery

"The World War demonstrated the importance of Field Artillery. The majority of casualties were inflicted by the arm." - Gen. John J. Pershing

"Artillery is the god of war." - Stalin

"The work for giants...to serve well the guns!" - Walt Whitman

"Renown awaits the commander who first restores artillery to its prime importance on the battlefield." - Winston Churchill

"Artillerymen believe the world consist of two types of people; other Artillerymen and targets." - Unknown

"Gunners will always fight together, drink together, laugh together, and morn together." - Unknown

"Artillery adds dignity to what would otherwise be a vulgar brawl." - Unknown

"There is no judge more equitable than a cannon." - Unknown

"The gun is the rallying point of the detachment, its flag, its banner.It is that to which the men look, by which they stand, with which they fall. As long as the gun is theirs they are unconquered, victorious; when the gun is lost, all is lost. It is their religion to fight until the enemy is out of range or until the gun itself is withdrawn, or until both it and the detachment are in the hands of the foe." - Unknown

"There is NO job in the Field Artillery for the weak, the timid or the indecisive." - Unknown

"Ultima ratio regum." (The final argument of kings) - Inscription from French Cannons, by order of Louis XIV
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What Place Is Besieged?

by Walt Whitman

What place is besieged, and vainly tries to raise the siege?
Lo! I send to that place a commander, swift, brave, immortal;
And with him horse and foot - and parks of artillery,
And artillery-men, the deadliest that ever fired gun.

This page last updated: August 21, 2004

Important Documents of American History & the Civil War

Important Documents
of American History
& the Civil War